Portraits of a MarriagePortraits of a Marriage by Sándor Márai

My rating: 4 of 5 stars

This review was written in 2012, before I wrote Between the Barons and the Comrades, which somewhat supercedes it, but I will be coming back to Márai soon so it seemed useful to post it now. 

Márai is a great writer, I’m not so sure he’s a great novelist. I have sixteen flurorescent tags sticking out of this volume. These highlight things I thought were worth looking at again, but I usually only do this in books for study. My friend, Balázs has Márai’s “Füvés Könyv” (literally grass covered book) always close to hand. This is a book of short thematic pieces – “On Sadness” being the one he most recently quoted from. Balázs is not so familiar with the five translated novels I’ve read.

Marai’s complete diaries are also generally available in Hungary, as I discovered while scouting for the Hungarian version of Portraits of a Marriage in my local bookshops. This book is available as one volume in Hungary, but the Hungarian version is much clearer about the structure and history of this book. It is actually a novel and a sequel published almost forty years apart. The first novel “Az igázi” (the real one), published in 1941, is two first person narratives; one by the ex-wife, and one by the ex-husband. The sequel published in 1980, “Judit … és az utóhang” (Judith … and the epilogue) is again written in the first person, Judit being the other woman in the earlier marriage, and the voice in the epilogue being Judit’s last lover. This form reminded me much of Absalom Absalom though it is not as demanding of the reader. The Epilogue is set in New York, so in two ways this is the first book of Márai’s I’ve read that reflects his time in America.

This is a big thematic work and we are not dealing with the failure of a marriage, but with the failure of bourgeois society in Hungary. This makes the novel immensely relevant to the current political situation in Hungary, where the government is self-consciously trying to recreate a Hungarian middle class, while holding the post-communist opposition responsible for the destruction of middle class values in Hungary. At the time Márai wrote “Az igazi” Hungary had not been ‘liberated’ by the Soviet Union’ nor had a Communist state been established here. So his decision to write a sequel after these events suggests that Marai felt that the bourgeoisie was foundering by itself even when he wrote the original, and that is somehow illustrated by the husband’s disaffection with his excellent bourgeois wife and his obsession with the servant girl, Judit. It’s worth noting that Hungarians – or at least Balázs – distinquish between bourgeois writers (like Márai) and peasant writers (like Zsigmond Móricz). I think this is false distintion and an overhang from the Communist view of Literature. In the sequel, we have Márai narrating from the perspective of two self-consciously ‘proletarian’ characters.

A constant refrain of these two voices is that even after the rich have been stripped of all their worldly possessions they retain something that cannot be taken away from them – “Little by little, step by methodical step, they were deprived of everything, all their visible goods, and later, with supreme skill, of their invisible goods too. And yet these people remained as serene as before” (pg 259). This resonates with me; the loss of material goods Iron Curtain the Crushing of Eastern Europe, the loss of invisble goods Banished Families. I would suggest that what remains was what Pierre Bourdieu called habitas, and that that too was destroyed with the passing of Márai’s generation.

The first part and the epilogue are beautifully written, combining narrative panache with authentic voices; the problem is Judith, and the problem is compounded in that Judith is the heart of the combined stories. Far too much of her narrative is given over to her later relationship with the husband’s best friend, a writer. And so it seems like Márai’s further musings on what it is to be a writer – I really have no time for literary solipsism (though it can be handled deftly – Sweet Tooth). Márai has past form on this – Conversations in Bolzano, but here it is thankfully much shorter, and in migitation may be a form of self-defence; the backdrop to this monologue is the Seige of Budapest, the true awfulness of which is better addressed in Krisztian Ungvary’s The Battle for Budapest.

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Comrade BaronComrade Baron by Jaap Scholten

My rating: 3 of 5 stars

Not a great book, but for me a very compelling one. Jaap Scholten’s relationship with Hungary parallels my own. In the early 1990s Hungary underwent a system change, from a Soviet-style political-economy to a western-style one. Like Scholten, I took advantage of the system change to live and work in Hungary. I too married a Hungarian woman, and decided that Hungary would be a fine place to raise a family. And I too find myself, beyond the point of no return, somewhat disappointed with my decision and Hungary’s subsequent development. Though not, it has to be said, as disappointed as Scholten:

“A few years ago I thought that Hungary and Romania would resemble the Netherlands within about twenty years … Now I think it will take at least a century” (pg 312).

I too, think Hungary’s political-economy will take longer to flourish than I did in the 90’s: I think it’s possible it may not flourish at all. But my reasons for thinking so are different to Scholten’s.

Comrade Baron is written in three sections named after the books of Miklós Bánffy‘s Transylvania trilogy. These sections cover pretty much the same ground as Between the Woods and the Water, Banished Families and 89 The Unfinished Revolution respectively. They replicate the same limitations of these books without adding anything other than Scholten’s personal experiences, though I expect the material is new to the Dutch market.

It is not a very clear book; it is episodic and impressionistic, and has a large amount of material drawn from interviews with survivors from Hungary’s pre-Trianon aristocracy. These interviews were conducted in the main as part of Scholten’s academic thesis “From Ballroom to Basement. The Internal Exile of the Hungarian Aristocracy in Transylvania”. For this reason Comrade Baron has an excellent bibliography, chronology, glossary and potted biographies of the interviewees. I wish I’d studied them before launching into the text itself. Even so, it’s hard to determine what Scholten’s thesis was. It is difficult to sort out what Scholten thinks from what his interviewees think, and it is not clear whether this book is an elegy for, or a defence of the Hungarian aristocracy.

If it is a defence of the Hungarian aristocracy, then his argument would seem to be that;

“By systematically crushing, exiling and killing the bearers of tradition, morality and fairness for over half a century, a society makes itself unstable.” (pg 192).

And that the problems the successor states of Hungary and Romania face today are a result of the destruction of it’s aristocracy under communism.

I disagree with this, I think the problems that Hungary faced at the system change were due to the destruction of it’s middle class since the end of the first world war. The consequences of the loss of a middle class are well articulated by one of Scholten’s interviewees, Count István Pálffy de Erdőd [bold my own]:

“The worst thing about fifty years of communism isn’t the sweeping away of the aristocracy, the worst thing is the wiping out of the old civil society, of all the people and classes with a long tradition of honest work, service, independence of mind, merchants, farmers, entrepreneurs, academics, professionals. In their place we have generations filled with cynicism and an attitude of “what the hell, we’re just doing what we can to survive”. They know nothing about the underlying concept of a civil society familiar to happier, Western countries. That is the great tragedy here” (pg 349)

Scholten seems to agree with Francis Bacon that:

“[an] aristocracy has a moderating effect on the holder of power, standing between ruler and people. As early as 1222 the Golden Bull gave the Hungarian nobles the right to depose a king for misrule. The removal of that buffer had far reaching consequences. The destruction of a cultivated elite and an increase in brutal terror went hand in hand.” (pg 141)

Well, the Hungarian aristocracy was still extant in the first half of the twentieth century, in fact the Horthy regime was largely an aristocratic regime. As far as I have read, it did conspicuously little to thwart the Red Terror, the White Terror, the atrocities that happened on the re-occupation of territory as a result of the Vienna Awards, or the Hungarian Holocaust itself. This argument simply isn’t supported by the facts.

I also beg to differ with Count Pálffy in that I see the destruction of Hungary’s middle class starting earlier, with the sudden rise and fall of the Hungarian Soviet Republic of Béla Kun. From the middle of the 19th century, Jews constituted a disproportionate part of Hungary’s middle class, of its intellectual, professional and commercial life. So much so that in The Will to Survive: A History of Hungary the English historian, Bryan Cartledge, divided his analysis of Hungarian society of that time into three parts – the nobility, the Jewish bourgeoisie, and peasants and workers.

Jews also played a disproportionate role in Béla Kun’s government, so that they were treated with suspicion by the aristocratic government of Horty that followed it. Jews, especially talented Jews began to leave Hungary even before the Numerus Clausus seriously restricted their educational and professional opportunities. Sir Alexander Korda, for example, left Hungary after making films for Béla Kun’s nationalised film industry. This process of reducing the role of Jews in Hungary climaxed in the Holocaust in 1944. Because of the disproportionate role Jews played in the middle class, the Holocaust was also destructive of the middle class in Hungary, a process that was continued under the Communist regime.

The lack of clarity about Scholten’s position arises because the material he quotes often seems to be making the case against the aristocracy, such as this from Banffy’s They Were Divided [bold my own]:

““There is nothing wonderful at all marvellous or wonderful about it, my boy, and especially there is nothing to boast about. What has happened has been entirely natural. Long ago, when the country folk were all serfs, everything belonged to the landowner, the so-called noble who himself held it from the king. It was therefore nothing less than his bounden duty to take care of everything , to build what was necessary and to repair what needed repairing. That our family have only done this shows that they have done their duty, nothing else. Let this be a lesson to you! … That members of our family often obtained great positions in the state was no accident and no particular merit to them. Such places were naturally offered to people of high rank, nobles whose fortunes and family connections were necessary if they were to do a useful job . We can be proud that our forebears honestly carried out what was expected of them, and that is all. Family conceit because is not only ridiculous but also dangerous to the character of those who come believe in it.”” (pg 84)

Maybe we are not to take this literally, as a case of ‘it’s not what you know, but who you know’, but to regard it as example of the modesty and magnanimity of the aristocratic mind.

When Scholten discusses the case against the aristocracy, which he very briefly does:

““In general the Hungarian semi-feudal aristocracy was the most corrupt and decadent in Europe and could only be compared with that of Russia of the Romanovs, in the twilight of the Czarist Empire”” (pg 216)

rather than explore whether this claim was fair, he simply dismisses its source, a Communist sympathiser – “as not simply gullible, but also malicious, … one who legitimizes torture and murder…” (pg 218). But even a source on the right side of Scholten’s political and social fence, an English aristocrat of the mid 19th century, remarked on the enormous privileges of his Hungarian peers:

““If an aristocrat harboured an ambition to hold public office he could simply have himself appointed deputy governor of a province; if he chooses to devote himself to agriculture, thousands of hectares of land were waiting for him … and if he wanted to work for a good cause, then there was the peasantry, which depended on him from practically everything and looked up to him.”” (pg 87)

In this situation, there sees to be plenty of opportunity for corruption and decadence to arise. But Scholten doesn’t examine or even compose the evidence he assembles.

This weakness in critically examining his sources highlights a suspicion I frequently had of Scholten: instead of being attracted to the Hungarian aristocracy’s ‘fairness and morality’, he is attracted to their culture – the decor, the dress, the manners. Scholten’s snobbery is given away by thoughts such as

“the sartorial impoverishment of the aristocracy in Eastern Europe is a belated triumph of communism” (pg 347)


“The thought of hundreds of square metres of castle being renovated in its entirety … in medieval style by a nouveau riche Romanian oligarch makes my imagination run riot” (pg 300)

The book was originally written in Dutch, and so grating did I find this kind of remark, I had to wonder whether I, or the translator had missed some aspects of Dutch irony.

I’m not familiar with Transylvania or Romania, but suspect that Scholten is wrong in lumping Hungary and Romania together

“fear is something you learn. The dictatorships in Hungary and Romania did a good job of teaching it to the people … you see it in the submissiveness of schoolchildren” pg (374).

Kádár’s regime in Hungary for far less brutal than Ceausescu’s was in Romania, and remembered as such. I put down the submissiveness of my Hungarian schoolchildren to bored indifference rather than fear.

Scholten and I agree that Hungary has not developed as quickly or in the way we would have expected in the 1990s. But I put that difference in our expectations down to European Accession in 2004 rather than the destruction of the Aristocracy in the 1950s. In the nineties, foreign capital had to come to Hungary to exploit Hungary’s cheap, talented labour. As it did so, a new middle class of professionals and business people emerged. Since accession that cheap talented labour now moves west to exploit foreign capital. The Hungarian population is declining, and those that are leaving take their honest work, service and independence of mind with them.

The global economic downturn has accelerated this destruction of Hungary’s middle class, which I still see as the great tradegy here. The flows of talent and capital may again work in Hungary’s favour, which will lead to the development of a middle class, but that seems to have little to do with the presence or absence of the Hungarian aristocracy.

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In Praise of Older WomenIn Praise of Older Women by Stephen Vizinczey

My rating: 3 of 5 stars

I first read this as smut when I was a teenager, and was very surprised to see it again in a ‘Penguin Modern Classics’ cover, so I re-read it though this time as a study of Hungarian manners. I suppose it comes as no surprise that this book would be written by a Hungarian. I even have a close friend who claims that he has only had affairs with older women – it’s not true, but he obviously finds the idea attractive. The fictional memoirist’s, Vajda’s interest in older women starts from his involvement with his widowed mother’s circle of female friends. From an Anglo-Saxon perspective mothers play a disproportionate role in the affairs of people in Hungary. And tellingly, the only time Vajda cries for a woman he has left, it is for his mother, after his flight from Hungary in 1956.

What engaged me this time was the role played by the other men in the lives of these older women. For the majority of Vajda’s older women there was one, but only in Anglo-Saxon Canada did he feel the need to hide his interest in their fiancées and wives. In the main part, these men had a ‘best of luck to you’ approach that I had some experience of here in the 1990’s. At the time, I speculated that this might have some connection with Communism in a way alluded to the The Unbearable Lightness of Being. But thinking back over the Hungarian books I’ve read since, a relaxed approach to sexual immorality was well established here well before Communism: Gyula Krúdy made a whole ouevre out of it. But the pattern would seem to be that sexual transgression is diverting rather than dangerous. I’ve yet to read the Hungarian equivalent of Thomas Hardy or D. H. Lawrence. As a result there is the realisation that Vajda is some sort of sexual parasite, exploiting women whose lives and relationships have gone wrong, but not offering himself as a way of making them right. I’m just not sure that the writer sees it that way, there are observations about Hungarian history and patriotism here that seem quite sincere and serious. It’s just sex that deserves this superficial, sensual approach.

Vizinczey is a fine stylist, and manages to write about sex without vulgarity. One sentence I recognised from my first reading; “Paola behaved more like a considerate hostess than a lover: she raised and twisted her body so attentively that I felt like a guest for whom so much is done that he can’t help knowing that he’s expected to leave soon.” What effect that had on my emergent sexuality, I have no idea; but the whole story of Paola is positive, where sex seems to solve problems rather than simply provide some distraction from them. However, this book would not be on my list of classics, modern or otherwise. It simply doesn’t tell me anything interesting about the human condition, though I can understand why it would be popular among those looking for an angst free attitude to sexuality – teenage boys for example!

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Ballpoint: A Tale of Genius and Grit, Perilous Times, and the Invention that Changed the Way We WriteBallpoint: A Tale of Genius and Grit, Perilous Times, and the Invention that Changed the Way We Write by Gyoergy Moldova
My rating: 4 of 5 stars

“There was a time when I also used to think that there was order in the world, but since then how many times have I seen manipulation and intrigue emerge victorious and genuine achievement go unrewarded?”

So remarks Andor Goy, the less well remembered Hungarian developer of the ballpoint pen. It seems a fair conclusion to draw from this, another story of Hungary’s exhausting 20th century. Moldova wants to us realise that Laszlo Biro lost his rights to the ballpoint through manipulation and intrigue under the rule of law in a free market economy, and Andor Goy lost his likewise under a communist regime; neither system rewarded ‘genuine’ achievement, both rewarded manipulation and intrigue.

It is not clear though, whose ‘genuine’ achievement the ballpoint pen is. As German manufacturers remarked – there didn’t seem to be anything essentially new about the pen Laszlo Biro was touting to them in the 1930s. It took incremental steps in development of the product – Goy’s refinement of the ink feed, Biro’s discovery of an appropriate ink, and ultimately György Meyne’s public relations and advertising campaign – to make the ballpoint pen the everyday item that it is. Further evidence for me against a ‘winner takes all’ economic system. The weakness of this book as history is that it doesn’t look critically enough at who did what in the development of the ‘biro’.

But written by a Hungarian novelist, I don’t think that was one of the intentions behind the book. It seems to be addressing the “Should I stay, or should I go” question which must have haunted Hungarians all through the 20th century. A question that Hungarians are again asking themselves.

The focus is on the characters of Biro and Goy, as they deal with both the demands of the ballpoint project and the vagaries of Hungarian history. I prefer Goy, and find his incredible stoicism and commitment to ‘genuine’ work inspiring. He strongly reminds me of his coeval and co-professional, Kadar. Biro is too flighty, and Moldova’s delicate analysis of his response to Hungarian anti-Semitism, suggests that he was damaged in way Goy wasn’t by his own persecution as a class-enemy of the communist regime.

It also contains yet another portrayal of Hungarian refugees living in France before WWII – as treated fictionally in The Invisible Bridge, and somewhat less fictionally in My Happy Days in Hell. I’m increasingly intrigued by this community.

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The 1956 Hungarian Revolution and the Soviet Bloc Countries: Reactions and RepercussionsThe 1956 Hungarian Revolution and the Soviet Bloc Countries: Reactions and Repercussions by János M. Rainer

My rating: 3 of 5 stars

Fills a gap left by Twelve Days Revolution 1956. How The Hungarians Tried To Topple Their Soviet Masters by looking at primarily reactions to the Hungarian uprising of 1956. Longer term repercussions are given much less coverage.

The most dissappointing paper is the one from Poland, and a consequence of the successful reform movement known as Polish October. Most of the Polish security apparatus had been dismantled at the time of the Hungarian uprising, and was unable to compile reports on how the Polish populace reacted to events in Hungary. The way in which Poles and Hungarians may have seen themselves travelling on a common path is more fully treated, albeit fictionally, in Under the Frog.

The most interesting aspect in these papers for me was how differing Communist regimes responded to events in Hungary in the light of their historic national conflicts with Hungary and the presence of ethnic Hungarian minorities in their own territories. In Czechoslovakia and the Subcapathian Soviet Union, the regimes actively utilised Hungarians as translators and emissaries to Hungary to promote the pro-Soviet line. In Romania, by contrast, the Hungarian minority was actively surpressed, and the borders firmly closed. The Romanians feared that they were going to find themselves caught between the Hungarians and the Soviets, should the ethnic Hungarians in Transylvania join a ‘Nationalist’ rebellion in Hungary.

When student demonstrations were planned both in Transylvania and Bucharest the regime anticipated them and arrested their leadership before the demonstrations took place. One can’t but wonder what would happened if Ernő Gerő had been able to similarly nip the October 23rd demonstrations in the bud. The problem was that he didn’t have control of the country at whose head he stood, Hungarian soldiers and police brought in to disperse the crowds ended up handing over their weapons to the demonstrators. I suppose the flip side of having a minority in your country that may be disloyal, is that you also have a majority willing to keep them in line.

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Twelve Days: Revolution 1956. How The Hungarians Tried To Topple Their Soviet MastersTwelve Days: Revolution 1956. How The Hungarians Tried To Topple Their Soviet Masters by Victor Sebestyen

My rating: 4 of 5 stars

Sebestyan is best in the middle section of this book. A fast-paced but heavily detailed narrative presented on a day-by-day structure that was well suited to events. I enjoyed the little journalistic flourishes that brought the personalities to life: Cardinal Mindszenty tucking up his cassock so that he wouldn’t be identified as a priest; Defence Minister Maléter patting his holster as he remarked the uprising didn’t mean end of Socialism in Hungary. This sort of detail is either imagined or researched, the cross referencing of accounts suggests it is researched. Excellent.

The problem is in the Prelude and Aftermath sections where he tries to replicate this one day at time approach. It doesn’t work: the causes and effects of the uprising can’t be distinctly packaged into events. What’s more trying to squeeze them into a diary format means that some important things have been left out.

For example, many of the Hungarian combatants were teenagers and would have been small childen when Budapest was besieged in 1944. During that time over 48,000 Axis, 70,000 Soviet and 76,000 Civilians were killed. Afterwards 400,000 Hungarians were sent to the Gulag, and 30,000 were raped. It makes the 2,500 combat deaths, 2,500 executions and 22,000 arrrests of 1956 pale into insignificance. Would the uprising have happened at all if a generation of Budapest’s children hadn’t been utterly brutalised? For a blistering fictional account of this time see Under the Frog, for the facts see Battle for Budapest.

The Aftermath is a mere sketch, mostly concerned with the immmediate implications for Hungary and the conduct of the Cold War – America is of disproportionate interest to Sebestyan. He remarks that in 1989 the post-Soviet republic was created on October 23rd, yet there is no analysis of the how current Hungarian politics is caught in the shadow of ’56. Which is strange seeing as I found his research enlightening here.

The uprising was spontaneous and leaderless, or at least conducted by small groups whose only common ground was a hatred of the Russians. At one stage the teenage rebels of the Corvin Cinema were exchanging fire with the patriotic soldiers at Killian Barracks. There was a strong element of civil war that Sebestyan doesn’t linger on. Yet, the hatreds of the civil war are apparent today in the frequent disorder that occurs on the anniversary of the uprising, and the attempt by the current Government to rewrite the 1989 settlement. 1956 is still a very divisive event in Hungarian politics, and I can’t even guess why it is given the prominence it is. If we want to celebrate a national tragedy, shouldn’t we be looking at ’44 instead?

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